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Entreciencias: Diálogos en la Sociedad del Conocimiento
Año 13, Número 27, Artículo 2: 1-18. Enero - Diciembre 2025

e-ISSN: 2007-8064

La sinfonía del desgaste: La “enfermedad
canguro” y el desgaste oculto en los
cortadores de caña de azúcar
The Symphony of Wear and Tear:
“Kangaroo disease” and Hidden Wear and
Tear in Sugarcane Cutters
DOI: 10.22201/enesl.20078064e.2025.27.89391
e25.89391
Sabrina Ângela França da Silva Cruz a* ▲
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4886-2702

Diego de Oliveira Souza b*

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1103-5474

José Rodolfo Tenório Lima c*

https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2453-6515

Jarbas Ribeiro de Oliveira d*

https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8519-2432

Fecha de recepción: 20 de agosto de 2024.
Fecha de aceptación: 27 de enero de 2025.
Fecha de publicación: 7 de febrero de 2025.
Autora de correspondencia

▲

sabrina.cruz@arapiraca.ufal.br
* Universidade Federal de Alagoas

Se autoriza la reproducción total o parcial de los textos aquí publicados siempre
y cuando se cite la fuente completa y la dirección electrónica de la publicación.
CC-BY-NC-ND
DOI:10.22201/enesl.20078064e.2025.27.89391
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© ENES Unidad León/UNAM

Sabrina Ângela França da Silva Cruz, Diego de Oliveira Souza, José Rodolfo Tenório Lima, Jarbas Ribeiro de Oliveira

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Resumen

Abstract

Propósito: analizar el proceso de determinación social
de la salud de los trabajadores en el corte de caña de
azúcar en Alagoas, Brasil.
Diseño metodológico: estudio de caso con análisis temático. Esta investigación utiliza premisas teóricas de
la salud de los trabajadores y de la salud colectiva, con
enfoque en la teoría histórico-crítica. La metodología
implicó la selección de un caso específico. Las categorías
analizadas fueron: “determinación social de la salud”,
“cargas de trabajo”, “desgaste”, “sobreexplotación” y
“alienación”.
Resultados: el trabajo en el corte de caña de azúcar se
caracteriza por diversas cargas físicas, químicas, biológicas, fisiológicas y psicológicas, que contribuyen a un
importante desgaste de los trabajadores. El estudio revela que la “enfermedad canguro” representa un proceso
de deshumanización de los trabajadores, evidenciado
por la sobreexplotación de la mano de obra. Esta sobreexplotación se manifiesta a través de la intensificación
del trabajo de producción, las largas jornadas laborales
y los bajos salarios, lo que tiene como consecuencia el
deterioro de la salud y la deshumanización de los trabajadores. El agotamiento prematuro observado demuestra
que, incluso con la mecanización, persisten los problemas de salud, lo que subraya la necesidad urgente de
reformar las prácticas de trabajo y la remuneración en
el corte manual de la caña de azúcar.
Limitaciones de la investigación: el enfoque de estudio de caso puede limitar la generalizabilidad de los
resultados a otros contextos o lugares.
Hallazgos: la “enfermedad canguro” refleja la sobreexplotación y deshumanización de los trabajadores en el
corte manual de caña de azúcar, convirtiendo el trabajo
en una fuente de degradación física y psicológica.

Purpose: To analyze the social determination process of
workers' health in sugarcane cutting in Alagoas, Brazil.
Methodological design: Case study with thematic
analysis. This research uses theoretical premises from
workers' health and collective health, with a focus on
historical-critical theory. The methodology involved
selecting a specific case. The categories analyzed were
“social determination of health,” “workloads,” “wear
and tear,” “overexploitation,” and “alienation.”
Results: Work in sugarcane cutting involves various physical, chemical, biological, physiological, and psychological stresses, leading to significant wear and tear on
the workers. The study indicates that “kangaroo disease”
signifies a dehumanization of workers, evidenced by
the overexploitation of the workforce. This overexploitation is evident in the intensification of production work,
extended working hours, and low wages, resulting in
poor health and the further dehumanization of the workers. The observed premature exhaustion demonstrates
that, even with mechanization, health issues remain,
highlighting the urgent need for reforms in working conditions and compensation in manual sugarcane cutting.
Research limitations: The case study approach might
restrict the generalizability of the results to different contexts or locations.
Findings: “Kangaroo disease” symbolizes the overexploitation and dehumanization of workers involved in
manual sugarcane cutting, transforming their labor into
a source of both physical and psychological degradation.
Keywords: Social determination of health, workload, labor, overexploitation, sugarcane.

Palabras clave: determinación social de la salud, carga
de trabajo, trabajo, sobreexplotación, caña de azúcar.

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© ENES Unidad León/UNAM

The Symphony of Wear and Tear: “Kangaroo disease” and Hidden Wear and Tear in Sugarcane Cutters

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Introduction
This study examines the health-disease process of sugarcane cutters, focusing on the context of the state of
Alagoas, Brazil. Notably, we begin with a condition associated with overwork, known as “kangaroo disease”
among the sugarcane laborers in the region.
The health issues of sugarcane cutters are complex.
They include work processes based on historical tensions (the formation of latifundia, overexploitation of the
workforce, and environmental destruction, among other
aspects) and socio-sanitary repercussions for workers,
such as poverty and illness.
In this context, it is essential to analyze the process of
cutters becoming ill as a reflection of working conditions.
Historically, these conditions have been characterized
by longer working hours, intense physical labor, wage
suppression (payment based on production), power
dynamics, a lack of labor rights and social protection,
seasonality, and instability associated with migratory
processes, among other factors that heighten the risk of
illness (Verçoza, 2018; Cruz, 2020).
While cutting sugar cane, workers experience extreme
exertion, delivering more than 3 700 machete strikes
a day and nearly 4 000 spinal rotations. This leads to
significant physical stress, with cardiovascular levels
that can soar to 200 beats per minute. On average, the
workers burn 3 517.95 kcal daily and consume 8.9 liters of
water. They walk approximately 4 400 meters and carry
around 6 tons over distances of 1.5 to 3 meters each day.
Furthermore, the work is performed in high temperatures
while wearing heavy clothing and tools (Cruz, 2020).
Cutting sugarcane demands high daily production,
with some workers harvesting over 10 tons a day, akin to
the efforts of high-performance athletes (Verçoza, 2018).
Despite the use of machinery in the sugarcane fields,
the industry still recruits the most efficient workers for
manual harvesting, known as the “golden knife” (Lima
& Carvalho, 2023). This selection boosts cutting averages
but also increases the strain on workers in the pursuit
of greater productivity. Machines operate in flat areas,
while manual harvesting continues in hilly regions, such
as Alagoas, intensifying the burden on workers to meet
industry demands (Cruz, 2017).

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Alongside this scenario, rising daily cutting averages
among sugarcane cutters are often incentivized by productivity rewards, such as food baskets and cell phones.
However, working conditions are extremely stressful.
Workers have been reported to faint after cutting large
volumes of sugarcane in one day, requiring intravenous
hydration in hospitals (Silva et al., 2012).
As part of this process, excessive work has led to frequent clinical issues among sugarcane cutters, with
symptoms including headaches, severe cramps, fainting, and cardiorespiratory arrest. The high incidence of
cramps throughout the body can, in some cases, progress
to sudden death, with the victim contorting into a posture reminiscent of a kangaroo. Due to this symptom, the
condition has been referred to as “kangaroo disease” in
the state of Alagoas (Verçoza, 2018).
“Kangaroo disease” is a recognized clinical condition
among cane cutters in Alagoas, yet it remains relatively
unknown outside this context. This is mainly due to the
challenge of establishing a direct link between the symptoms and the act of cutting cane through purely medical analysis, as overwork may not leave external visible
marks or detectable pathophysiological indicators.
The bodies of sugarcane cutters reflect the overexploitation present in the sugarcane industry, leading
to their early exhaustion (Verçoza, 2018) or even death
(Alves, 2006; Silva, 2013; Costa, 2017). Furthermore, those
workers who, due to the context of overexploitation they
endure, lose their ability to work begin to confront a true
“via crucis” to access social security benefits. This reality
indicates that the suffering experienced in the sugarcane
industry is magnified and felt in other facets of social
life (Reis, 2018).
According to social security data from Brazil, it was
found that between 2012 and 2021, the primary illnesses affecting this occupation were back pain (18.96%),
disorders of the vertebral disc (6.39%), and synovitis
and tenosynovitis (3.55%). Together, these conditions
accounted for nearly 30% of absences, with a recognized
causal link for manual sugarcane workers (SmartLab,
2023).
In light of this reality, workers’ self-sacrifice for the
sake of capital emphasizes that organization and worEntreciencias 13(27), Art 2, 1-18 Ene. - Dic. 2025

Sabrina Ângela França da Silva Cruz, Diego de Oliveira Souza, José Rodolfo Tenório Lima, Jarbas Ribeiro de Oliveira

king conditions are more closely tied to the work process
than to biological factors (Cruz, 2020). The intensification
of work, precariousness, and flexibility—elements of modern times—have a profound impact on workers’ health.
Given this context, this study aimed to analyze the
social determinants of health affecting sugarcane cutting
workers in Alagoas, Brazil.
To this end, the current research draws on theoretical
foundations from classic Marxist literature on workers’
health and collective health, including Breilh (1977),
Laurell (1982), and Laurell and Noriega (1989). Additionally, the theory of dependency plays a crucial role in
explaining the persistence of unfavorable and unequal
working conditions in Latin America’s agricultural economies. The exploitative nature of these conditions is
most evident in the wear and tear and premature exhaustion of the workforce, rendering the illness and death of
rural workers a direct consequence of economic relations
within the capitalist system, rather than merely a biological or isolated health issue.
Five cases were selected during the research and extension activities of the (name removed to ensure blind
evaluation) Research Group to connect the broader debate with the specific details of the object studied.

Theoretical foundations
The understanding that social factors interfere with
health has progressively been constructed throughout
history from different perspectives. In the 20th century,
a social and academic movement emerged that came
closer to social theories capable of explaining the dynamics of the supposed factors as a dialectical totality:
Latin American Social Medicine (Souza, 2021).
Pioneering authors such as Breilh (1977) and Laurell (1982) developed the understanding that health,
although expressed biologically in the individual organism, is the result of a social process.
This process cannot be reduced to a set of overly autonomous factors that simply happen to be related. Beyond
a mere relationship of factors, this new perspective recognizes that social relations are historically constructed
and that, in class societies, structural inequalities shape
how human beings relate and live. It is precisely in this
context that a field of social possibilities emerges for
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diseases, or the health-disease process, to manifest in
various ways within communities, depending on the
contradictions of class, gender, ethnicity, and other mediating issues (Breilh, 2013).
Thus, the concept of the social determination of health
underscores the centrality of the workforce as a fundamental aspect of societal formation. From this perspective, social class becomes significant in the analysis of
health conditions, leading Laurell and Noriega (1989)
to propose that workload and wear-and-tear are essential components for understanding the effect of labor on
workers’ health and, to some degree, how these factors
relate to the external impacts of the work environment.
The concept of loads was proposed by Laurell and
Noriega (1989) to more accurately designate the risks that
work poses to workers’ health. However, unlike the traditional view of occupational risks, which often normalizes
the presence of risks and merely associates them with
potential harm, the perspective of these authors regards
loads as dynamic elements that interact with each other
and arise from a historical-social process, primarily rooted in forms of exploitation and control within the workplace. This dynamic results in occupational illnesses
and also contributes to wear and tear processes, which
often do not lead to well-defined diagnoses (Laurell and
Noriega, 1989).
The loads can be external to the worker’s body, related to the characteristics of objects and work tools, or
internal, connected to elements of work organization
that affect physiological and psychological aspects. They
can be physical, chemical, biological, or mechanical.
In addition to these aspects, adopting a critical perspective on the reality of countries like Brazil, it is essential to understand that the illnesses of workers in agricultural contexts, often poorly paid, cannot be separated
from broader social issues, such as the structural dependence of Latin American countries (Marini, 2017). This
is because the historical particularity of these nations
highlights a unique type of social development founded
on the overexploitation of the workforce. Consequently,
occupational diseases in this context are less linked to
biological predispositions or organic abnormalities that
affect individuals in isolation and are more, or rather
primarily, associated with the organization of work
and the conditions under which it occurs (Cruz, 2020).
Marxist-based critical theory regarding Latin American
© ENES Unidad León/UNAM

The Symphony of Wear and Tear: “Kangaroo disease” and Hidden Wear and Tear in Sugarcane Cutters

reality can be understood through the lens of Rui Mauro Marini (2000). According to this author, in fulfilling
its roles within the international division of labor as a
dependent economy subservient to centers of capital
accumulation, Latin America is characterized by superexploitation, which is seen as the domestic political
expression of the specific conditions of capitalist development in the periphery. In Marxist dependency theory,
therefore, super-exploitation is defined as the particular
form of exploitation present in dependent capitalism
(Marini, 2000).
In this sense, while the central countries tend to accumulate wealth through relative surplus value, driven by
the development of their industrial-technological base’s
productive forces, the peripheral countries, such as those in Latin America, are based on super-exploitation,
understood in the historical context of capitalist development.
From this perspective, this paper examines the Brazilian sugar-alcohol sector as a typical industry of a dependent country. It has developed unevenly and combined,
relying on the super-exploitation of labor to accumulate
wealth.
In general, the exploitation of labor consists of appropriating the work of others. In capitalism, this appropriation occurs in a specific manner, through capital, which
seizes the value generated by the workforce during the
production of goods—specifically, the value that exceeds
the cost of the workforce itself.
Super-exploitation, on the other hand, is an intensified form of exploitation. It occurs when the value of
the workforce is violated, meaning that the worker is exploited beyond normal limits. This indicates that superexploitation is not merely a worsening of exploitation but
a breach of the value of the workforce itself.
The central characteristic of super-exploitation is that
workers are denied the conditions necessary for the recomposition of their labor power. This denial can occur
in two main ways: 1) by forcing workers to exert more
physical effort than needed, resulting in premature exhaustion, or 2) by removing the opportunity to consume
the minimum required to sustain their workforce under
normal operating conditions (Marini, 2000).
In the context of rural sugarcane cutter workers, overexploitation emerges when the mill owner extracts

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surplus value that exceeds what is necessary for the
workforce’s basic reproduction, paying wages that are
lower than what is essential for them to recover physically. In this scenario, the violation of the workforce’s
value takes on a distinctly super-exploitative character.
Additionally, there are at least four forms of superexploitation or violations of the essential conditions for
the production and reproduction of the workforce. These
include 1) increasing work intensity, 2) extending the
workday, 3) converting part of the worker’s consumption
fund into a capital accumulation fund, and 4) raising the
value of the workforce without adequately compensating
for the necessary amount to do so. These forms of superexploitation can occur individually or in combination,
depending on the current phase of accumulation, resulting in greater wear and tear on the workforce and
leading to premature exhaustion and limitations for the
worker (Marini, 2000).
One form of overexploitation in the Brazilian sugaralcohol sector, known as work intensification, became
particularly evident in the 1990s. This violation of the
workforce’s value escalated dramatically after the sugarcane sector regained its production dynamism in the
2000s.
In realities like the state of Alagoas, in addition to
the various technological innovations in sugarcane production, the so-called “management by results” was also intensified through productive restructuring. Continued involvement in the sugarcane
industry became increasingly tied to the individual
productivity levels of the workers (Queiroz, 2013).
Fewer individuals began to accomplish more work as
a result of the so-called “slimming down”, which only
became feasible due to a greater intensification of labor.
One of the largest mills in Alagoas, Coruripe, employed 6
000 workers at the end of the 1980s but reduced this number to 2 800 after implementing new management practices (Cruz, 2017). Management that demands ever-higher
productivity per worker per day and selects individuals
based on strict performance criteria is progressively reducing jobs in this sector, which in turn is fueling both migratory processes and a heightened intensification of work.
In addition to the intensity of work in sugarcane cutting today and the devaluation of labor power, there is
another serious factor to consider: payment by production. Even though compensation is based on productiEntreciencias 13(27), Art 2, 1-18 Ene. - Dic. 2025

5

Sabrina Ângela França da Silva Cruz, Diego de Oliveira Souza, José Rodolfo Tenório Lima, Jarbas Ribeiro de Oliveira

vity, the numerous issues surrounding its measurement
persist —since the worker cuts meters of cane and their
output is gauged in tons— the fatigue experienced by
those cutting cane at an intense pace is not reflected in
their pay. As a result, the value of labor power is undermined, because “the intensification of work involves an
increasing expenditure of labor power over a specific
period, and despite the rise in the number of products
or use values, their value and price remain unchanged”
(Osório, 2013, p. 60). Therefore, “the consumption of
more use values cannot compensate for the intense
wear and tear on the worker’s body” (Luce, 2012, p. 129).
Moreover, as Luce (2012) points out, “one indicator to determine whether we are facing increased intensity and, consequently, greater physical-psychological strain on the workforce is the
prevalence of occupational diseases” (p. 132). If this is
a crucial aspect for understanding work intensity and
thus overexploitation, what about work that is fatal?
It is estimated that, due to the working conditions in sugarcane fields, the lifespan of a worker who cuts sugarcane at today’s intensity is comparable to that of black slaves in colonial Brazil; that is, today’s sugarcane worker
has an estimated lifespan of about 15 years (Silva, 2007).
Another critical point to consider is the significant role
played by the mass of unemployed workers within this
context of overexploitation. : The establishment of an industrial reserve army, as described by Marx (2013), directly
impacts capitalist accumulation, as the existence of a large unemployed population creates conditions for heightened and more intensive exploitation of the workforce.
Thus, the proportional size of the industrial reserve army
corresponds with the increase in wealth concentration.
However, as this reserve army grows in proportion to the
active workforce, the mass of entrenched overpopulation
also increases, whose suffering is inversely related to
the oppression of their labor. Ultimately, the greater the
impoverished segments of the working class and the
reserve army, the more pronounced the official pauperism becomes. This is the overarching, absolute law of
capitalist accumulation.

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Methodological Design
The methodology of this study aimed to explore the dynamics and characteristics of the social determination
process of “kangaroo disease” through a detailed case
study. The primary objective was to formulate preliminary hypotheses for future research. This methodological approach is particularly beneficial for examining
complex aspects and situating phenomena within a
specific context, revealing influential factors and interactions that may be overlooked in broader studies. In
this regard, the flexibility of the case study enhances
the existing knowledge base by providing an in-depth
understanding of specific social dynamics (Braun &
Clarke, 2019).
The case study was chosen because of its ability to
provide a contextualized and detailed analysis of the
social determination of manual workers’ health in sugarcane cutting. The case was selected based on the
following criteria:

1) Relevance to the research - Representativeness

of the problem: This case is relevant because it
exemplifies a potentially serious medical condition
associated with strenuous work that may not be
widely recognized or studied. “Kangaroo disease”
provides an opportunity to investigate poorly understood health conditions within a specific work
context.
2) Unique characteristics - Distinctive aspects: The
case presents distinctive features, such as a combination of severe cramps, extreme working conditions (high temperatures, heavy clothing, and
equipment), and intense physical exertion, which
yield valuable insights into the interaction between
environmental factors and health.
3) Aspects of social and economic impact - Implications for workers: The condition known as “kangaroo disease” affects several workers, suggesting a
collective health issue that may reflect large-scale
working conditions and merits detailed analysis.
4) Contribution to scientific knowledge - Filling gaps
in the literature: This case offers an opportunity to
enhance knowledge about health conditions associated with intense manual logging work, particularly in the context of Alagoas.
© ENES Unidad León/UNAM

The Symphony of Wear and Tear: “Kangaroo disease” and Hidden Wear and Tear in Sugarcane Cutters

We used oral history as a resource for the interviews
since this technique allows us to grasp elements of the
subjects’ experiences immersed in the phenomenon under investigation, helping to reconstruct their history.
In addition, this technique prioritizes the depth of the
analysis of experiences, which allows it to be applied to
a smaller number of interviews. Rather than repeating
elements or generalizing the case, the aim is to immerse
oneself in the experiences analyzed in their historical
dimension.
The subject selection process involved field research
with workers engaged in manual sugarcane cutting
in the rural municipality of Teotônio Vilela, Alagoas.
A questionnaire included sociodemographic, clinical,
work-related, and other social questions. Participants
were selected based on:
a) Relevance and suitability for the case: Interviewees
needed to be directly related to the case in question.
b) Informed consent: All interviewees were required
to provide informed consent before participating
in the research.
c) Availability and access to participants.
d) Ability to provide relevant data - Quality of information: Interviewees should be capable of sharing
experiences, observations, and knowledge that
contribute to a deeper understanding of the case.
Based on these criteria, five interviews were chosen
from a total of twelve that met the research objective.
The data was analyzed using thematic analysis, following the steps: 1) data collection and transcription;
2) coding of the statements; 3) identification of themes
and patterns; 4) in-depth analysis; 5) construction of
narratives; and 6) critical validation of the statements.
The analysis was conducted from the perspective of
workers’ health, based on the historical-critical matrix. The categories analyzed were: “social determination of health,” “workloads,” “wear and tear,” “overexploitation,” and “alienation.” The first three relate
to workers’ health and Marxist collective health. The
category “super-exploitation” is discussed on the basis of Marxist Dependency Theory (Marini, 2017),
and “alienation” in the light of Georg Lukács (2013).
While the case study offers a detailed analysis of “kangaDOI:10.22201/enesl.20078064e.2025.27.89391
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roo disease”, it is important to note that its generalizability may be limited. The uniqueness of the case may not
reflect variations of the condition in different sugarcane
workers or regions.

Analysis and Discussion of Results
Results
Case 1
A 43-year-old white male worker exhibits signs of dehydration and physical exhaustion, along with dermatological lesions from sun exposure. He resides in the
rural area of Teotônio Vilela, Alagoas, Brazil, where he
lives with his wife, three daughters, and a grandson. He
works cutting sugar cane by hand and is employed by a
sugar-alcohol organization. He has worked in agriculture
since he was 11 years old and has held an employment
contract for cutting sugar cane for 14 years.
The worker reports being paid based on productivity,
earning approximately R$70.00 to R$80.00 per day in
Brazilian currency, which amounts to about R$2,000 per
month. At the current exchange rate of around R$5.62
per dollar, this translates to approximately $12.46 to
$14.24 per day, closely equivalent to $356.22 US dollars
per month. He works six days a week, dedicating around
10 to 11 hours each day to his job. He takes a 15-minute
break in the morning and an hour for lunch. Additionally,
he consumes about 10 liters of water daily and performs
3 994 spinal rotations each day while working in an environment with temperatures exceeding 30º Celsius.
He claims to have “kangaroo disease,” as cane cutters refer to it, with symptoms that began just before he
turned 40. He experiences frequent episodes (1-2 times a
week) of cramps in his chest, back, arms, wrists, legs, and
jaw, followed by fainting and vomiting. These symptoms
occur at work, towards the end of the day, on his way
home, or even after he arrives home. His colleagues or
family members typically transport him to the emergency hospital, where he has been admitted several times.
He often receives intravenous fluids for electrolyte replacement and is then discharged. At all times, the
assistance he received has always come from third parties
and never from the company he works for.
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Sabrina Ângela França da Silva Cruz, Diego de Oliveira Souza, José Rodolfo Tenório Lima, Jarbas Ribeiro de Oliveira

According to the worker, no laboratory tests have been
carried out to confirm what appears to be associated
with rhabdomyolysis due to overwork. Serum levels of
creatine kinase (ck), myoglobin, potassium, uric acid,
and lactate dehydrogenase (ldh) could verify this.
It is noteworthy that the day after experiencing cramps,
the worker returns to work to avoid income deductions
and to keep his right to the basic food basket provided as
a reward for attendance. “I have several colleagues with
these symptoms,” which is why they collectively refer to
it as “kangaroo disease”. This term comes from the contorted postures workers assume during cramps, where
their arms, wrists, and legs resemble those of kangaroos.
The employers’ measures include the daily supply of
electrolyte replacement fluids and water. However, no
changes to the work process mitigate the excessive physical effort that leads to “kangaroo disease.”

Case 2
A 65-year-old male worker residing and working in the
municipality of Teotônio Vilela has Indigenous physical
features and suffers from dermatological lesions due to
sun exposure. He lives alone but has two children. He
has been cutting sugarcane for over 10 years, currently
working informally for two to three days a week. “I can’t
work more days a week because of the pain in my body.
I suffer from cramps, and there have been several times
when I’ve been paralyzed in the harvest field; I’ve fainted
and blacked out a few times in the cane field. On days
when I eat less and drink little water, that’s when the
condition appears. I feel sick.”
The cane cutter’s workday starts at 7 am and ends at 3
pm. His income varies depending on how many days he
works in a week. He earns about R$15.00 per ton of sugarcane cut, which translates to $3.00 USD for his productivity. Since he cuts between 4 and 6 tons a day, his daily
earnings range from R$60.00 to R$90.00 (approximately
$12.00 to $18.00 US dollars), leading to a monthly income
of R$720.00 to R$1,200.00 (around $144.00 to $240.00 US
dollars), which is below the Brazilian minimum wage.
“When I get cramps, it’s my colleagues who help me. The
company offers no support; they just provide me with
water.” Because he lacks an employment contract, he
doesn’t receive the serum given to other formal workers.
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The only remedy he uses after experiencing cramps is
to drink three yogurts, which he pays for himself. “I’ve
told my colleagues to buy yogurt since they also suffer
from this problem, but they claim they don’t purchase
it because the price is too high.” As a result, he has no
professional health monitoring and has never undergone
any tests. Finally, he remarked, “This is quite common.
I’ve seen cutters die while holding the cane.”

Case 3
A 41-year-old Black male worker states that he has been
cutting cane for nearly 15 years, starting at age 7. For most
of that time, he worked illegally without an employment
contract. “I spent most of my time working without a contract, illegally. Now I don’t cut cane anymore. I’d rather
beg than continue with this job.”
He lives in Junqueiro with his wife (his fourth marriage)
and daughter. He has worked in the municipality of Junqueiro, Alagoas, and in a municipality in the state of Paraná.
His working hours were from 7 am to 3 pm, with a
40-minute break in the morning and lunch from 12 pm
to 1 pm. The worker’s pay, like the previous ones, is also
based on productivity. “When I worked cutting sugar
cane, my monthly income was between R$1,200.00 and
R$1,400.00,” which in US dollars corresponds to between $240.00 and $280.00. The worker described the
stages of the kangaroo episode in the following order:
“Vomiting, that green water comes out, your eyes get
deep, your body feels dehydrated, tired, fatigued; a knot
in your arm, cramps, or your arm feels weak, your hand
gets cold, you can’t drop the machete on the ground,
cramps all over your body, back pain, your tongue curls
up, you forget everything, and you start sweating. My
colleagues came to my rescue, laid me on the ground,
and gave me a rehydration serum. After about five minutes, I started to recover.” These symptoms lasted for
hours. “The day after the episode, I had a lot of pain in
my body, no strength in my hands, and diarrhea. I went
to the hospital on my own. I received rehydration and
vitamins, but they didn’t perform any laboratory tests.”
It should be noted that this episode, the most serious,
occurred when the worker was 22 years old, but he suffered from kangaroo syndrome on other occasions, with up
to two episodes a week. As assistance, the plant offered
© ENES Unidad León/UNAM

The Symphony of Wear and Tear: “Kangaroo disease” and Hidden Wear and Tear in Sugarcane Cutters

serum, water, and bananas. Sometimes, there was an
ambulance from the plant which took him home. He
says he saw several colleagues suffering from the same
problem and heard from the inspectors: “You can take
it; finish this job.” Some of his colleagues died, at which
point the plant’s administrators called a meeting to tell
them that they “had to rest."

Case 4
Black male worker, 38 years old, married, and father
of three young children. He lives in the municipality of Teotônio Vilela, in the state of Alagoas, and has
been working in the sugarcane sector for 15 years,
the first five of which were as a clandestine worker.
He is currently registered as an employee of a mill
in his region, with a formal employment contract
(clt), and has already been registered for three years.
During his daily shift, he cuts cane, with an average
of 80 strokes a day. Depending on how much cane he
cuts, he earns around R$1,200.00 a month, or $240.00
usd, which should be enough to support his wife and
three young children. “The work is very tiring, and I
know that the pressure is on the body all the time”.
This worker’s health has been a major challenge over
the years, with the physical wear and tear accumulated by the harsh working conditions. He began to
feel the first symptoms of what is popularly known
as “kangaroo” around the age of 33, after a season
of intense work in extreme heat. “It’s an immense
weight on the body,” accompanied by severe cramps
in his legs and arms, nausea, and excessive sweating.
This extreme tiredness is followed by shortness of
breath, and in some cases, he even faints in the field.
He has already suffered episodes of fainting while working, needing to be helped to the plant bus by his colleagues. Unlike other workers, he had the opportunity to be
attended to once by the plant’s medical team when the
“kangaroo” affected him more intensely. He was given an
intravenous drip, which gave him some relief, but the muscle and joint pain persisted for several days afterwards.
Despite lectures on the importance of hydration and
the plant’s availability of water, the worker reports
that the amount supplied is not enough to meet the

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demand of so many workers, especially on days of extreme heat. “We ask for more water, but it’s just that
tank there, and it’s for everyone,” he says, showing his
dissatisfaction with the limited resources available.
In addition, the working conditions, with the intense
heat and dust in the fields, have caused serious respiratory problems. He also suffers from constant back pain,
which has arisen due to repeated physical exertion over
the years. “I feel tired, and it doesn’t go away, even on
days when I’m not working. It feels like my body can
no longer cope with the pace the activity demands.”
Although he has had some medical tests, this worker
has not yet received regular medical follow-up from the
plant, which is a major concern for him. Recently, he
had to seek medical attention on his own when he began to feel difficulty breathing and intense pain in his
lower back. After the hospitalization, he didn’t receive any kind of follow-up or ongoing guidance, which
made him even more apprehensive. “When the situation worsens and the ‘kangaroo’ becomes unbearable, I
try to hydrate myself with saline, but I always feel that
the water available at work is never enough to prevent
the problem. The pain and tiredness build-up, and I
know that when my body can’t take it anymore, I can’t
stop because I have to keep working to support my family. It gets bad, but after a while, I can’t cut cane anymore. I only go back because my family needs me”.
He continues his working day, aware that the physical
condition of his body is deteriorating, but still hoping
that one day he will have a more dignified job that better
respects workers’ health. Until then, he continues, not
by choice but out of the need to provide for his family.

Case 5
A 40-year-old single male worker of brown descent lives
in the municipality of Junqueiro, Alagoas. He has been
employed in the sugarcane industry for 18 years, having
started working in sugarcane cutting at the age of 9. For
most of that time, he worked informally, without formal
registration; however, in the last two years, he has managed to get registered at the mill where he currently works.
Throughout his career, he has faced the physical demands of working in the field, earning a monthly income
that ranges from R$1,000.00 to R$1,200.00, which corresEntreciencias 13(27), Art 2, 1-18 Ene. - Dic. 2025

Sabrina Ângela França da Silva Cruz, Diego de Oliveira Souza, José Rodolfo Tenório Lima, Jarbas Ribeiro de Oliveira

ponds to approximately $220.00 to $240.00 in US dollars,
depending on productivity. His daily activities involve
cutting sugar cane, a strenuous task that requires physical strength and endurance. Although he lives alone, he
sends part of his salary to his family, who lives far away.
Since he was young, he has experienced the effects of
hard work from cutting cane, particularly on his joints
and muscles. “The problem with ‘kangaroo’ began when
I was still a teenager, but over the last 10 years, the symptoms have worsened significantly. It gets heavier; it feels
like my body can’t handle it. When the chest pains occur,
you think you’re going to die.” This refers to the severe
cramps often felt in the legs and back, coupled with extreme fatigue.
Despite living with these symptoms, he has never received adequate medical care from the plant. The only
support he received was in collective situations, such
as during the most serious “kangaroo” episodes, when
serum is distributed to the workers. “The thing is to
keep to yourself, don’t complain; otherwise, it’s over.
The company doesn’t do anything, but when someone
dies, there’s that despair,” he comments, emphasizing
the company’s lack of interest in the workers’ well-being,
which is only acknowledged during more extreme situations.
Faced with health challenges and unstable working
conditions, the worker began to adopt personal strategies to manage the symptoms of “kangaroo”. “I’ve
started to pay more attention to what I eat and my water
intake, but I know there’s no escaping the burden of
working in the fields. There’s a lot of pressure not to miss
work because if I do, I’ll lose my basic food allowance,
and I could face trouble with the inspectors and even my
colleagues,” he said.
When the “kangaroo” attacks him more fiercely, he
tries to hold back as much as he can until he finds a moment to rest. “The secret is to control yourself, not let it
get to you, because otherwise you’re done. But there’s not
much you can do,” he says, emphasizing the challenge
of managing the condition without adequate support.
For this worker, the daily routine of cutting sugarcane
is characterized by persistent fatigue and a body that can
no longer keep up with the required pace. Nevertheless,
he can’t afford to miss work, as he relies on his salary to
support his family. He endures the pain and effects of the
“kangaroo” without much hope for improved working
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conditions or treatment from the plant. The absence of
proper medical care and the ongoing pressure to produce is integral to his reality, and he continues, despite
everything, to manage himself in order to survive another
day at work.

Discussion
For medical science, “kangaroo” is the result of an electrolyte imbalance disorder related to dehydration caused by the intense physical activity involved in cutting
sugarcane. Additionally, in some cases, it can be linked
to rhabdomyolysis, which involves damage to muscle
cells due to physical exertion. The loss of electrolytes
and mineral salts caused by the high intensity of the
work and the long hours under the scorching sun, if not
treated quickly, can lead to sudden death.
In these cases, technical health actions are crucial for
establishing a clinical diagnosis and the causal link to
work, which has been overlooked. This is a significant
step towards interpreting kangaroo disease as a condition that surpasses a mere pathophysiological state, such
as probable rhabdomyolysis.
In the social context of the cases under study, this
condition takes on a unique dimension, highlighting
the process of overexploitation to which the workers are
subjected, which dehumanizes them to the point of being
identified with the kangaroo, an animal known for its
physical strength and contorted postures. In other words,
the expression “kangaroo disease” denotes a problem
that transcends dehydration and rhabdomyolysis, as
it concerns the process of dehumanization that occurs
through the particularities of manual sugarcane cutting
in Alagoas.
This identification allows us to examine disease beyond its biomedical definition as a socially determined
process (Breilh, 2013). It can be assumed that social determination is based on exploitation, which involves
long working hours, excessive physical effort, and low
performance. These factors must compromise the full
satisfaction of various biological and social needs that
are essential to health.

© ENES Unidad León/UNAM

The Symphony of Wear and Tear: “Kangaroo disease” and Hidden Wear and Tear in Sugarcane Cutters

Workloads and wear and tear
As the research results show, the workday is long, with
workers dedicating over 10 hours each day to cutting
cane. In some cases, workers labor six days a week, as
illustrated in Case 1. Even those with shorter hours, like
in Case 2, still endure an intense pace that leaves little room for adequate rest periods, which are extremely
limited. For instance, in Case 1, the worker has only a
15-minute break in the morning and an hour for lunch.
This contributes to physical exhaustion, especially under harsh conditions of heat and intense effort. Working
in the blazing sun, with temperatures exceeding 30°C,
increases the risks of dehydration and physical overload, as noted in Cases 1 and 4, where workers drink
around 10 liters of water daily to stay hydrated yet do
not receive sufficient support from their employer. The
primary form of payment is based solely on productivity, meaning workers are compensated according to the
amount of cane they cut. This results in an extremely low
daily income, which is insufficient to meet their basic
needs. Moreover, workers face significant financial insecurity because their payment varies with productivity,
leading to unstable earnings. For example, workers in
Case 2 receive pay that fluctuates depending on their
cutting capacity. Workers also rely on benefits, such as
the basic food basket, to ensure a minimum income, as
emphasized in Case 1, where the worker feels compelled
to continue working despite serious illness symptoms to
retain these benefits.
The set of physiological loads to which these workers
are exposed is striking, but other loads are added to the
process, as described in Chart 1.
All of these loads can be described as a complex process of wear and tear, involving various potential accidents and illnesses, such as dermatoses, skin neoplasms,
musculoskeletal disorders, intoxications, and mental
disorders, among others.
In addition to this wear and tear, occupational illnesses such as the so-called “kangaroo disease,” which
causes intense cramps, fainting, extreme tiredness, and
other serious symptoms of dehydration and physical
exhaustion, are a reality in the sugarcane industry.

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10

Chart 1. Summary of the workloads identified in
the case study

Source: Author’s elaboration.

In several cases, such as Case 1, the worker reports
frequent episodes of cramps and loss of consciousness,
while basic treatment (hydration) is provided only to
a limited extent, without adequate medical follow-up.
In the cases described, workers do not receive adequate
medical care from their employers. In Cases 1, 2, and 3,
for example, workers only receive emergency care (such
as intravenous saline or hydration) and do not undergo
regular medical follow-up. In many instances, assistance
is minimal and often outsourced or provided by coworkers. This results in a lack of proper medical diagnoses,
as in Case 1, where the worker lacked access to laboratory
tests to confirm his condition.
For the purposes of this analysis, the process of dehumanization that underlies “Kangaroo disease” should be
noted since it reveals the human condition’s subordination to the imperatives of overexploited work.
Theoretically, this condition is more precisely deEntreciencias 13(27), Art 2, 1-18 Ene. - Dic. 2025

Sabrina Ângela França da Silva Cruz, Diego de Oliveira Souza, José Rodolfo Tenório Lima, Jarbas Ribeiro de Oliveira

signated in the Marxist category of “alienation.” It is
marked by the fact that work, responsible for becoming
human, contradictorily alienates the human condition,
subsuming it to the interests of capital in the midst of its
inequalities (Lukács, 2013; Souza, 2021).
Labor rooted in the exploitative relationship between
sugarcane industrial capitalists (the owners) and sugarcane cutters results in a state where work leads to the
physical, psychological, and moral degradation of the
workers. This degradation is so severe that the workers
themselves find it appropriate to compare their condition
to that of animals. Thus, work, which is meant to foster
human self-construction, simultaneously becomes the
cause of human degradation and the loss of its inherent
meaning.

Super-exploitative and ransom
The super-exploitative nature of sugarcane work, a term
coined by Marini (2017), in the conditions described in
the cases presented can be analyzed from the perspective
of how the super-exploitation of labor reflects the structural dependence of Latin American countries, particularly in sectors like agriculture and the extractive industry, including the sugarcane sector. Super-exploitation
refers to the extreme use of the workforce to maximize
profits without a fair return for the workers.
When we examine the international sugar market,
primarily driven by sugarcane plantations, a few players
emerge as the top exporters and importers. On the supply
side, Brazil, Thailand, India, and Australia collectively
account for 64% of sugar exports from the 2022/2023
harvest. The leading buyers include Indonesia, China,
the United States, Bangladesh, and the European Union,
which made up 34% of purchases during the same period
(United States Department of Agriculture [usda], 2023).
Brazil stands as a key player in this sugar market, reinforcing its role of dependence on the international division
of labor through the export of agricultural products.
In addition to this leading role in cultivation, Brazil
also stands out as the world’s largest sugar producer, having produced 22% of the world’s sugar in the 2022/2023
harvest, or around 38 million tons. Around 73% of this
amount was destined for export, making the country the
world’s largest sugar exporter (usda, 2023).
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Alagoas, where the case study takes place, is one of
Brazil’s main sugarcane-growing states, as well as the
largest sugar producer in the North-Northeast (Lima,
2021a). In the case of Alagoas, the trend to focus its production on the foreign market is also evident, as nearly
80% of the sugar produced during the 2022/2023 harvest
was exported (Sindaçúcar, 2023).
Thus, this sector is important for the Brazilian capitalist class. It is one of the strategic areas to compensate
for Brazil’s losses, especially those caused by the import of other products from production chains reserved
for the dominant countries. Not by chance, this sector
has historically been one of the most conducive to the
development of the mechanisms of super-exploitation.
The reality surrounding the high productivity levels of
Brazilian sugarcane has allowed the country to remain
among the global leaders in low production costs for
decades. In 2007, Brazil ranked among the countries
with the lowest production costs in the world, and even
with a slight decrease, it continues to hold a prominent
position in global rankings (Embrapa, 2023). However,
this competitiveness relies on a system of overexploitation that reflects the historical dependence of Latin
American countries and their economies on commodity
exports. For Brazil, sugarcane illustrates this dynamic
clearly, as workers endure significant exploitation to
maintain competitiveness in the global market, which
paradoxically jeopardizes their health. A vivid example
of this situation can be found in Case 2, where workers
earn between R$60.00 and R$90.00 a day, translating
to approximately $12 to $18 US dollars daily. By the end
of the month, their total income ranges from R$720.00
to R$1,200.00, which falls below the minimum wage.
This pay structure, solely linked to productivity, fails to
reflect the intense physical effort required, nor does it
take into account the harsh working conditions, such
as extreme heat and insufficient hydration. With work
hours exceeding 10 to 11 hours a day, six days a week,
the constant pressure for productivity represents a clear
form of workforce expropriation, where the physical and
psychological burdens on workers are systematically
overlooked.
The possibility of workers consuming the minimum
necessary to maintain their workforce in a normal state,
often due to low pay, is a reality in the sugarcane labor

© ENES Unidad León/UNAM

The Symphony of Wear and Tear: “Kangaroo disease” and Hidden Wear and Tear in Sugarcane Cutters

market. It is worth remembering that the works by Lima
and Carvalho (2023) and Lima (2021b) point out that payments for manual workers generally fall below 1.5 minimum wages (a figure corresponding to approximately
376.87 US dollars), considering that sugarcane cutters
represent the layer of the workforce in this sector with
the lowest incomes.
When cutting sugarcane, the working day often exceeds the 8 hours a day stipulated by the clt, reaching an
average of 11 hours in Alagoas (Verçoza, 2016). Despite
the payment of overtime, the pay does not compensate
for the intense physical wear and tear, compromising the
real value of the workforce. The worker’s preparation for
cutting also extends beyond the cane field, as pointed
out by Santos (2013), who describes the time spent from
dawn, including organizing the float and preparing the
equipment. This shows how production time consumes
what is necessary for the worker’s reproduction. In addition, commuting to distant sites, often precarious and
without adequate compensation, aggravates physical
and psychological exhaustion, making wages insufficient to cover the impact of long working hours (Marini,
2017; Osório, 2013).
Super-exploitation also manifests in the absence of labor rights and limited access to medical care. Even when
workers are formalized, as in Case 4, working conditions
remain extremely precarious. The formalization of the
employment relationship does not significantly improve
conditions in practice since the benefits provided by the
mills are minimal and medical assistance is restricted to
emergency situations. In many instances, workers only
receive aid in emergencies, such as fainting or severe
cramps, and have no access to regular medical care. The
absence of a social protection network for these workers
highlights Latin America’s structural dependency, where
a large portion of the workforce remains on the fringes
of social rights, lacking adequate access to health, education, and basic dignity at work.
Another notable aspect of overexploitation in the
sugarcane sector is the physical and psychological exhaustion of the workers. Kangaroo sickness, mentioned in all the reports, exemplifies this wear and tear.
Workers experience severe cramps, fainting, extreme
fatigue, and other conditions linked to increased work
intensity, excessive heat, and dehydration. The fact that
many workers, like the one in Case 1, continue to work
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despite severe cramps or, like the one in Case 5, who
seek alternative methods to manage symptoms on their
own illustrates that the pressure to produce outweighs
the need for healthcare. The intensity of the work and
the harsh environmental conditions compromise the
health of the workers, forcing them to continue working
to secure their livelihoods, but at a significant cost to
their physical and psychological well-being.
Without a doubt, overexploitation in the sugarcane
sector is directly linked to the extreme social inequality
typical of dependent economies. Workers like the one
in Case 2, who earn less than R$1,000 a month (approximately $240 US dollars), live in extreme poverty, lacking
access to essential services and a support network to
ensure a dignified life. This type of inequality reflects a
dependent productive structure, where Brazil and other
Latin American countries serve as exploiters of natural
resources and providers of cheap labor while local economies struggle to create quality jobs or implement a
social welfare system that protects the working class.
In this context, overexploitation serves as a strategy to
reduce production costs and maintain high profits, but
it does so at the expense of workers’ health, well-being,
and dignity.
In summary, this research has identified three mechanisms manifesting the overexploitation of the workforce:
an increase in working hours, an increase in the intensity
of work without adequate remuneration, and a reduction
in the value of the workforce (Marini, 2017).

Health and work
Other studies confirm that sugarcane cutters fall ill
and die due to overexploitation. Verçoza (2018), in interviews with sugarcane cutters, along with ergometric
tests, heart rate monitoring during work, the application of the Nordic Questionnaire of Musculoskeletal
Symptoms, and physical evaluations, points to a direct
relationship between working in sugarcane fields and
the early depletion of workers’ physical and spiritual
energies, particularly highlighting “kangaroo disease.”
Similarly, Santos (2013), Silva (2013), and Costa (2017)
note that, in addition to various illnesses, mortality remains a concerning and historical reality in Brazilian

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Sabrina Ângela França da Silva Cruz, Diego de Oliveira Souza, José Rodolfo Tenório Lima, Jarbas Ribeiro de Oliveira

sugarcane fields. Both authors report dozens of deaths
in São Paulo’s sugarcane fields involving migrants from
the Northeast during a short period at the end of the
first decade of the 2000s. These deaths were linked to
Birôla disease, the local name for “kangaroo disease” in
the sugarcane fields of São Paulo. Additionally, Barbosa
(2010) demonstrated the connection between rhabdomyolysis and excessive work among sugarcane cutters in
the state of São Paulo, Brazil, through pulmonary and
cardiological assessments and blood indicators.
This sector has a history of health issues among workers. Despite the introduction of machinery, health problems continue to change or accumulate. Lima and Rumin (2023) indicate that mechanized production in this
Brazilian sector reduces accidents but does not resolve
the issue of mortality. The authors present data on accident incidence in sugarcane cutting from 2012 to 2020,
revealing a decrease from 23.49 to 12.03 in manual cutting
and from 12.7 to 7.59 in mechanized cutting. Simultaneously, the lethality rate (per thousand) increased from
2.88 to 5.98 in manual cutting while remaining stable
in mechanized cutting, at 7.71 in 2012 and 7.56 in 2020.
Consequently, the literature suggests that the issue
is not solely the type of technology utilized but also
the organization of work (i.e., exploitation). This aligns
with the thesis of social determination regarding the
overexploitation and health of sugarcane workers, where
alienation reflects their dehumanization. A pertinent
example is “kangaroo disease,” in which workers are
treated like animals as their health declines.

Conclusions
This study reveals the complex reality faced by sugarcane-cutting workers in Alagoas, highlighting how
the so-called “kangaroo disease” encompasses more
than just physiopathological conditions; it reflects a
profound phenomenon of dehumanization and overexploitation. The exploitative nature is connected to Latin
America’s historical dependence on imperialist countries
or wealthier economic centers. The Brazilian economy,
like those of other Latin American countries, is structured around the export of commodities, such as sugar
cane, which requires intensive use of labor and minimizes production costs. This export-oriented production
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model fails to foster internal development or guarantee
a dignified life for the working population. Instead, it
keeps Latin American economies subordinate in the global market while workers continue to face exploitation
to ensure the competitiveness of products within global
production chains. Therefore, the overexploitation of
the workforce arises as a strategy within the framework
of world capitalism, allowing peripheral economies to
maintain some level of competitiveness. Viewed as a
political manifestation of dependency, overexploitation
stems from the denial of essential conditions needed to
replace the workforce. This manifests through the imposition of longer workdays than workers should typically
endure, resulting in premature exhaustion, as evidenced
in the cases analyzed.
In this sense, retrieving the analysis of the various
physical, chemical, biological, mechanical, physiological and psychological burdens faced by these workers
reveals a situation of extreme adversity and exhaustion,
where suffering goes beyond unhealthy working conditions and reveals systematic exploitation.
It may be said that the “kangaroo disease” emerges
as a significant metaphor for the suffering imposed by
the current work model. It illustrates how the workforce is reduced to a mere instrument of production. This
phenomenon is a direct reflection of the overexploitation described by dependency theory and the Marxist
analysis of alienation, where the workforce is sacrificed
in the name of capital’s interests.
Therefore, the “kangaroo disease,” more than just
a medical condition, reflects the structural inequalities and overexploitation in the sugar-alcohol sector,
highlighting the physical and psychological suffering of
the workers. This illness can be understood through the
lens of critical theory, which emphasizes how power relations and dehumanization in dependent capitalism directly affect the health of the working class. Rather than
being an isolated biological issue, “kangaroo disease” is
a symptom of the extreme working conditions imposed
by an economic model that exploits the workforce to
maintain competitiveness in global production chains.
Understanding the disease within this broader social
and economic context allows us to recognize that workers’ suffering extends beyond physiological conditions
and is, in fact, a manifestation of the degradation of the
workforce in a system that prioritizes economic interests
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over human well-being. In this sense, “kangaroo disease” should be viewed not only as a direct consequence
of the physical demands of work but also as a reflection
of the profound social and economic inequalities that
characterize dependent capitalism, where workers are at
the mercy of a production model that does not guarantee
fair living conditions.

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Entreciencias 13(27), Art 2, 1-18 Ene. - Dic. 2025

Sabrina Ângela França da Silva Cruz, Diego de Oliveira Souza, José Rodolfo Tenório Lima, Jarbas Ribeiro de Oliveira

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Author’s notes
Souza, D. O. (2021). As dimensões da precarização
do trabalho em face da pandemia de Covid-19.
Trabalho, Educação e Saúde, 19, e00311143.
DOI: 10.1590/1981-7746-sol00311.
Souza, D. O., Santos, M. L. C., Santos, E. P. de A.,
Magalhães, A. P. N. de ., & Cruz, S. Â. F. da S.
(2023). O trabalho de Enfermagem a partir da
experiência de enfermeiras da linha de frente contra Covid-19: na trilha da precarização.
Interface - Comunicação, Saúde, Educação, 27,
e230021. DOI: 10.1590/interface.230021.

Ph.D. em Trabajo Social por la Universidade do Estado
do Rio de Janeiro. Professor and researcher at the Universidade Federal de Alagoas, Brasil. Research line: work,
health and society. Email: sabrina.cruz@arapiraca.ufal.
br.
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4886-2702.
a

Latest publications
Cruz, S. Â. F. da S. (2020). Por que o trabalho na
cana tem moído gente e espalhado bagaços?
Revista Katalysis, 23, 674-686. https://doi.
org/10.1590/1982-02592020v23n3p674
Cruz, S. Â. F. da S. Souza, D. O., Santos, M. L. C.,
Santos, E. P. de A., & Magalhães, A. P. N. de.
(2023). O trabalho de Enfermagem a partir da
experiência de enfermeiras da linha de frente contra Covid-19: na trilha da precarização.
Interface - Comunicação, Saúde, Educação, 27,
e230021. DOI: 10.1590/interface.230021.
Silva Cruz, S. Â. F. da, Magalhães, A. P. N. de, Souza,
D. de O., Macêdo, F. P. de, Pereira-Abagaro, C.,
& Rosales-Flores, R. A. (2023). Condições de
trabalho em enfermagem no enfrentamento da
Covid-19 sob o prisma da precarização. Revista
Brasileira de Enfermagem, 76, 1-9. https://doi.
org/10.1590/0034-7167-2022-0679pt
Ph.D. em Trabajo Social por la Universidade do Estado
do Rio de Janeiro. Professor and researcher at the Universidade Federal de Alagoas, Brasil. Research line: work,
health and society. Email: diego.souza@arapiraca.ufal.
br.
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1103-5474.
b

Latest publications
Souza, D. O. (2020). A pandemia de COVID-19 para
além das Ciências da Saúde: reflexões sobre
sua determinação social. Ciência & Saúde
Coletiva, 25, 2469-2477. DOI: 10.1590/141381232020256.1.11532020.

DOI:10.22201/enesl.20078064e.2025.27.89391
e25.89391

Ph.D. em Sociología por la Universidad Federal de São
Carlos (UFSCar). Professor and researcher at the Universidade Federal de Alagoas, Brasil. Research line: sociology
of work, rural and organizational issues.
Email: jrtlima@gmail.com .
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2453-6515.
c

Latest publications
Lima, J. R. T., Coelho, R. P. de S., & Araújo, A. H. dos
S. (2023). O campo dos estudos sobre o trabalho nos canaviais brasileiros: um olhar sobre
as primeiras décadas do século XXI. Revista
Campo-Território, 18 (52), 72-96. https://doi.
org/10.14393/RCT185270803.
Lima, J.R.T., & Rumin, C.R. (2024). Menos acidentes, mais mortes. Mecanização agrícola nas
plantações de cana-de-açúcar brasileiras e
seus efeitos sobre os trabalhadores de 2012 a
2020. Saúde e Sociedade, 32 (4). https://doi.
org/10.1590/S0104-12902023230603pt
Lima, J. R. T., Gonçalves, B. S., & Coelho, R. P. de S.
(2023). Mercado de trabalho, incorporação das
tecnologias mecânicas e o reforço das assimetrias regionais na produção canavieira brasileira: uma análise sobre o período de 2008
a 2018. Raízes: Revista De Ciências Sociais e
Econômicas, 43 (1), 40-59. https://raizes.revistas.ufcg.edu.br/index.php/raizes/article/
view/818

© ENES Unidad León/UNAM

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Ph.D. em Salud pública por la Escuela Nacional de
Salud Pública Sergio Arouca (ENSP)/Fiocruz. Professor
and researcher at the Universidade Federal de Alagoas,
Brasil. Research line: health and society. Email: jarbas.
oliveira@arapiraca.ufal.br.
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8519-2432.
d

Latest publications
Oliveira, J., Cavalcanti, F., & Ericson, S. (2024). Medicalização da subjetividade e fetichismo
psicofármaco: Uma análise dos fundamentos. Saúde e Sociedade, 33, 1-13. https://doi.
org/10.1590/S0104-12902024220833en
Araujo, L. G. S., Nobre, I. E. S., Almeida, A. K. A.,
Sampaio, M. E. B., Dantas, J. E. F., & Oliveira,
J. R. (2023). Contribuições da educação em
saúde para saúde da mulher quilombola. Revista Extensão em Debate, 12, 1-7. https://seer.
ufal.br/index.php/extensaoemdebate/article/
view/15349
Souza, D. de O., Santos, E. M. N., Batista, E. de L., Messias, M. G. da S., Santana, N. T., Rodrigues, W.
T. B., Silva, T. de O. E., Silva, D. P. da, Correia,
E. A. do N., & Oliveira, J. R. de. (2022). A feira como espaço de intersecção entre questão
ambiental e promoção da saúde. Research,
Society and Development, 11 (13). https://rsdjournal.org/index.php/rsd/article/view/35658

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Entreciencias 13(27), Art 2, 1-18 Ene. - Dic. 2025